TY - CHAP
T1 - Remembering War
T2 - Celebrating Russianness
AU - Danilova, Nataliya
N1 - Publisher Copyright:
© 2015, Nataliya Danilova.
PY - 2015
Y1 - 2015
N2 - In the UK, rising social diversity within British society, combined with new security threats, facilitated a discussion about the nature of British national identity; in Russia, the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 triggered a search for a national identity for a country which happened to have none (Urban, 1998; Tolz, 1998, 2004; Lieven, 1999). The dissolution of the Soviet state gave rise to a swift decline in the self-esteem of the Russian population. In the early 1990s, ‘Russians had a very negative view of themselves’ and responded to public opinion surveys with answers such as ‘we are worse than everybody in in the world’ and ‘we bring only negative things to the world’ (Lamelle, 2009, p. 154). To find a new national identity for Russian society was a mammoth task. This undertaking required Russia ‘to be its own successor, to create a new identity based on the denial of the Soviet past … to fall into emptiness and start its history from a blank slate’ (Morozov, 2009, p. 429; cited in Shevel, 2011, p. 181). At the level of political discourse, experts observed a move from ‘civic rossiiskii nation-building in 1992 … towards a more ethnic and imperial conceptualisation of the new Russian state as a homeland for the Russians and Russian-speakers throughout the former USSR’ (Shevel, 2011, p. 190). However, during the 1990s, the search for a national identity was constantly plagued by contradictory policy agendas, contradictory movements between civil and ethnic conceptualisations of Russian identity, and an inability of the authorities to develop a functional policy implementation mechanism for national identity building.
AB - In the UK, rising social diversity within British society, combined with new security threats, facilitated a discussion about the nature of British national identity; in Russia, the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 triggered a search for a national identity for a country which happened to have none (Urban, 1998; Tolz, 1998, 2004; Lieven, 1999). The dissolution of the Soviet state gave rise to a swift decline in the self-esteem of the Russian population. In the early 1990s, ‘Russians had a very negative view of themselves’ and responded to public opinion surveys with answers such as ‘we are worse than everybody in in the world’ and ‘we bring only negative things to the world’ (Lamelle, 2009, p. 154). To find a new national identity for Russian society was a mammoth task. This undertaking required Russia ‘to be its own successor, to create a new identity based on the denial of the Soviet past … to fall into emptiness and start its history from a blank slate’ (Morozov, 2009, p. 429; cited in Shevel, 2011, p. 181). At the level of political discourse, experts observed a move from ‘civic rossiiskii nation-building in 1992 … towards a more ethnic and imperial conceptualisation of the new Russian state as a homeland for the Russians and Russian-speakers throughout the former USSR’ (Shevel, 2011, p. 190). However, during the 1990s, the search for a national identity was constantly plagued by contradictory policy agendas, contradictory movements between civil and ethnic conceptualisations of Russian identity, and an inability of the authorities to develop a functional policy implementation mechanism for national identity building.
KW - Armed Force
KW - Military Service
KW - National Identity
KW - Public Opinion Survey
KW - Russian Society
UR - http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?scp=85107491163&partnerID=8YFLogxK
U2 - 10.1057/9781137395719_7
DO - 10.1057/9781137395719_7
M3 - Chapter
AN - SCOPUS:85107491163
SN - 978-1-349-67939-3
T3 - Palgrave Macmillan Memory Studies
SP - 175
EP - 207
BT - The Politics of War Commemoration in the UK and Russia
PB - Palgrave Macmillan
ER -